Casablanca- In Morocco, there exists a national narrative that posits a rather controversial claim: the elite, direct descendants of the Arabs of Spain, enjoy a tight grip on high- ranking public sector positions because they were educated in prestigious national and international institutions.
Casablanca- In Morocco, there exists a national narrative that posits a rather controversial claim: the elite, direct descendants of the Arabs of Spain, enjoy a tight grip on high- ranking public sector positions because they were educated in prestigious national and international institutions.
Ali Benhaddou, a Moroccan sociologist, traces the development if this elite class to the time of Sultan Idriss II in Fez, a city founded by his predecessor, Idriss I. According to Mr. Benhadou in his two books L’empire des sultans, anthropologie politique du Maroc and Les Elites du royaume, Sultan Idriss II received Arab families from Tunisia, as well as Andalousia, especially from Cordoba, Seville and Toledo. As a result, a solid and expansive network of loyal kinship would form across Morocco.
According to Chakib Alami, there are three major groups that control various tiers of power in Morocco. The “Shorfa” are the noble class who belong to the powerful Idrissi and Alaouite dynasties. They often hold the honorary title of “Sidi” or “Moulay” which translate to master.
The” Oulama” is a clan of erudite scholars who pursued a traditional academic curriculum in the Islamic university in Fez. The El-Fassi, Bensouda, and Mernissi, Guennoun, El Kadiri names are but a few families affiliated with this well-informed category.
The third cluster includes a number of seasoned businessmen who capitalized on the export and import business and established sustainable economic relations with African and Asian countries, including India and Iran.
Many of these families are the direct descendants of the “Moors”, who were expelled as part of Spain’s Inquisitions between 1609-1614. The bulk of these families, victims of a brutal crusade, settled in modern day Fez, Tetouan, Rabat, Sale and Chaouen. They were industrious and known for mastering a number of skills, which they passed on to their children from generation to generation.
Over time, a new trend of inter-clan marriage consolidated ties between the Shorfa and the seasoned businessmen as the latter had considerable wealth but lacked political prestige. This new partnership gave rise to Morocco’s “bourgeoisie” and the center of power shifted from Fez as the bulk of businessmen settled in Morocco’s economic capital, Casablanca.
The newcomers monopolized high ranking position in a key sector: Banking. This gradual and carefully planned “seizure of power” would forever shape Morocco’s economic and political landscapes. Mr. Benhaddou gives the example of Othman Benjelloun, a powerful businessman, from Fez, at the helm of a leading Moroccan and regional bank, BMCE.
Under the rule of Hassan I, the elite “Fassis” were entrusted with the modernization of the economic sector. In 1873, Hassan I appointed a member of the Bennis family to lead the Ministry of Finance. Other “Fassi” families, including Guessous, Benchekroun, Berrada, Benjelloun, Kettani, Filali, Tazi, Squalli, Bennani and Bensouda grew more powerful through their connection with the ruling regime.
These families educated their children in prestigious schools as a means of empowering them and facilitating their dominance of the most strategic positions within public institutions. During and after Morocco’s struggle for independence, the bulk of the “Fassi” families sent their children abroad, mainly to France, to specialize in public administration and finance.
As Mr. Benhaddou stated, years after Morocco’s independence, the World Bank leveled criticism against Hassan II for the ‘Fassi’ hegemony over economic and political power and described the regime as “sclerotic”. Perhaps in response to this criticism, and in an attempt to “balance” the growing domination of the “Fassi” kinship, Hassan II injected a small cadre of another influential lineage in the circles of power: The Soussi businessmen. Hassan II provided backing for new Soussi figures, including Miloud Chaabi and Azizi Akhnouch, and propelled them to the forefront of the political arena.
Under Morocco’s current King, Mohamed VI, there are remnants of his father’s strategy of creating loyal non-Fassi elite. Many consider the regime’s mutually beneficial relationship with the “Sousi” elite in the person of the powerful businessman, Aziz Akhnouch.
Mr. Akhnouch is the president of Akwa group, president of the region Souss Massa Daraa and a minister of Agriculture and Fisheries in the current government. He has invested in a wide array of key sectors ranging from real Estate to textiles. Mr. Akhnouch’s wife, Salwa Akhnouch, is an equally accomplished businesswoman who heads the group Askal, which specializes in the repurchase and financing of franchise malls.
Although Mohammed VI surrounded himself with a diverse group of technocrats, many of whom were his college classmates, the “Fassis” still dominate Morocco’s economic and political realms.
These powerful “Fassi” families have sketched the roadmap for dominance over the Moroccan economy decades ago. The group has also dominated the political scene creating a culture of nepotism that considerably undermined the foundation of democracy and political pluralism in Morocco.
In the current political climate, many members of this “privileged” lineage have come under harsh criticism. Several have been named and shamed by young protesters from Morocco’s February 20th movement. They are portrayed as a “junta” guilty of corruption and nepotism and portrayed as a major stumbling block on the road towards a real democratization of the country.
The allegations of young Moroccan protestors are not without merit. Over the past decade, Abbas Fassi was designated Prime Minister in 2007, with the subsequent appointment of many of his relatives in key political positions. This has maintained two realities in Morocco: a growing polarization between the “Fassi” elite and the rest of the population; and a lingering and unfortunate stereotype against anything and anyone from Fez.
Because of their monopoly of the economic and political sectors, the “Fassi” elite have contributed to an unfounded allegation, by the majority of Moroccans, that all families of a Fassi origin are guilty of squandering the riches of the country.
But those who blame the misdeeds and mismanagement of the Fassi clan on all families of fassi descent fail to grasp the reality of the elite alliances that are at play in Morocco.
At this critical juncture in Morocco’s history, the last thing that people need is increased polarization. What Morocco needs is a commitment from its people, regardless of family affiliation or status in society, to work hand in hand in order to build a brighter future for the present and future generations. Dwelling in divisive issues will only weaken Morocco from within, and from outside. Moreover, it will further decrease the chances of building an open and democratic society.
Edited by Hisham El Koustaf
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