Why Morocco’s Participation in Saudi-Led Coalition in Yemen is Justified

New York- Last March, Moroccans heard in the news that the Moroccan government had decided to participate in the Saudi-led military coalition, whose mission is to fight the Houthi rebels and restore legitimacy in Yemen. As such, Morocco dispatched a number of warplanes to take part in the military campaign.

Ever since, in the absence of a full-fledged debate on whether the country really has an interest in participating in such military campaign, Moroccans have been divided between those who support Morocco’s presence in the coalition and those who oppose it.

But despite Morocco’s participation in the airstrikes against the Houthis, few Moroccans were aware of what was at stake in that war, and why Morocco is part of the Saudi-led coalition. It was not until the crash of the warplane carrying the late Moroccan pilot Yassine Bahti that the debate over Morocco’s participation in the war came to a head.

All of a sudden, Moroccans realized that their country had been taking part in a military campaign since March 24 and they started to question the appropriateness of the decision to participate in a war that maybe “is not our war.”

There was a flurry of comments from a sizable proportion of the Moroccan people questioning their country’s participation in the war and calling on the Moroccan government to reconsider its decision.

The main idea expressed in the comments of those who oppose the war is that, Morocco, being geographically far from Yemen, should not concern itself with this war, but instead should focus on its own domestic and foreign issues.

Amid the outpouring of emotion that the crash of the warplane and the ensuing death of Yassine Bahti caused among Moroccans, one can understand the criticism leveled at the government for “letting our sons die for problems that are not ours.”

But is Morocco really not concerned with what’s happening in Yemen?Should Morocco simply turn away and not get involved in restoring legitimacy in this country which is geographically so far away? Should Morocco ignore the call of its strategic allies and fail to honor the commitment contained in the bilateral agreement it signed with them? Should Morocco sacrifice its relations with the Gulf countries just for the sake of focusing on its “own foreign issues”?

Morocco has every interest in the stability of the GCC countries

Answering these questions is of paramount importance for every Moroccan to be aware of why Morocco is involved in the military campaign in Yemen and why Morocco’s participation is warranted.

First of all, let us consider the argument that Morocco shouldn’t be involved in Yemen because Yemen “is not related to Morocco’s foreign interests.” Here, even the premise is wrong. In fact, Morocco’s foreign interests clearly reach all the way to the Arabian Peninsula. Morocco’s involvement in a collective Arab effort such as the coalition to restore legitimacy in Yemen positions it as an active member of the Arab League and important regional player. This involvement in Yemen, coupled with Morocco’s hosting in recent years of a number of international conferences and talks, such as the talks between the warring Libyan factions, and its mediation efforts in Mali, render Morocco among the most influential players in Africa and the Arab world.

As Egypt’s sole status as “leader” of the Arab world has been in decline over the past few years, Morocco now has a very important role to play along with the other Arab monarchies, as the only source and center of stability and leadership in the Arab world at the present day. By so doing, Morocco is reinvigorating its role of mediator that it has long played since its independence.

One of the goals of the coalition is to stand up to the growing Iranian influence in the region. The coalition aims to defend the Arab Gulf states against the spillover of instability in Yemen. Morocco has every interest in preventing Iran from expanding its influence to other Arab countries, especially in GCC countries with which it has myriad of shared geostrategic, economic, and religious interests.

Although it is geographically one of the farthest Arab countries from Iran, Morocco is not immune from Iran’s agendas. We have witnessed in recent years how Iran has been trying to spread its ideology in Morocco, which prompted Rabat to sever its relations with Tehran.

Another element that should be taken into account when considering the interests of Morocco’s participation in the war against Yemen is that through its participation, Rabat is fulfilling one of the commitments the Moroccan government made last March at the Arab Summit in Sharm el-Sheikh when the members of the Arab League decided to create a Joint Arab Military Force. According to a communique issued by the Arab League, these contingents should be “deployed at the request of any Arab nation facing national security threats and to combat terrorist groups.”

Morocco is also fulfilling the commitments it agreed to in the military cooperation agreement it signed with the UAE, one of its closest allies, in 2006. By virtue of this agreement, which was ratified by the Moroccan parliament last December, Morocco has committed to provide military, security, and logistical support to the United Arab Emirates to help them fight terrorism and preserve regional and international peace and stability.

In fact, this security and military cooperation has always existed. Morocco has long trained military personnel in the Gulf countries and contributed to their security. For example, Moroccan soldiers have, for decades, been deployed in the UAE and have participated in the training of Emirati soldiers.

Importance of GCC for Morocco

There is no question that Morocco has a great interest in the peace, security and stability of its fellow Arab countries. Any instability in the region could have serious repercussions in the kingdom.

What could happen in these countries would have a direct impact on Morocco’s economy assuming that these countries are affected by a spillover of the instability in Yemen. One of the most critical reverberations of this scenario would be a sudden and steep increase in oil prices, which would have negative and long-lasting impact on the Moroccan economy. All the slight progress that Morocco has been able to make recently thanks to the slight but steady decrease of oil prices would be undone, which could plunge the country into a deep economic crisis. In addition, this scenario would push Gulf countries to devote more financial resources to their defense budgets, and little money would be left available to be invested in countries such as Morocco.

On the other hand, let us not forget that Morocco has long been among the main beneficiaries of financial assistance provided by the GCC countries. Every now and then, we hear that some Gulf country has made a grant to fund a variety of programs or projects in Morocco. A recent study published by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) shows that Morocco was the seventh largest recipient of financial assistance by the Saudi government during the period between 2011-2014, receiving a whopping $488 million.

GCC grants vs Western financial “aid”

And what we should keep in mind when talking about grants or loans is that grants made by the GCC countries are real grants which Morocco does not have to pay back with interest or use to buy goods from these countries in return. The policy adopted by the GCC countries with Morocco stands in stark contrast to the policies adopted by European and Western countries at large with developing countries, such as Morocco, that require repayment of loans.

In fact, when France or Spain gives a grant or makes a loan to Morocco, the funds are typically not given to allow the kingdom to channel the money into building infrastructure, schools, hospitals, or highways or to invest in job-creating projects. These loans/grants are usually made available to Morocco in the framework of what is known as “tied aid.” In other words, the loans are made to facilitate Morocco’s financing of its purchase of imports from the lender countries.

In this scenario, which has been going on since Morocco’s independence, the country is losing two-fold: first, the money Morocco receives from its European or/and other Western counterparts has to be paid back with interest; second, the funds do not allow the country to make any advances in the vital sectors that need substantial amounts of funding. The bottom line: these grants/loans do not contribute much to creating jobs and easing the problem of unemployment, especially among the youth. Quite the opposite, they contribute both to deepening the country’s indebtedness, and to its dependence on the imports coming from the aid providers.

The only winners in this case are Western countries who find a ready buyer for their exports and receive loan repayments with high interest rates, in addition to safeguarding their employment rates. Economists are unanimous that the beneficiary of tied aid is not the recipient country, but the country that provides the loan or the grant: the main reason that drives the aid provider to provide these loans or grants is its own self-interest.

Strategic partnership between Morocco and the GCC

Following the so-called Arab Spring, Morocco signed a strategic partnership with the GCC countries. This agreement aims both to strengthen economic ties between Morocco and the GCC, as well as to reinforce security and military cooperation between them. In 2012, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait agreed to provide Morocco with and aid worth $5 billion to help the country boost its infrastructure, strengthen its economy and its tourism sector. The cash provided by the GCC since 2012 has also played an important role in easing social tensions in the country.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait have also provided Morocco with cash to fund the construction of the high speed train. In contrast, France is participating in the project by means of loans that will be repaid with interest while French companies will build the high speed train. In this case again, while the funds provided by the GCC will go to the construction of a landmark infrastructure project, the loan/grant provided by France will allow it to recover the loan a ta high interest rate while helping to create French jobs and new outlets for its declining industry. As part of the agreements signed between Morocco and the GCC countries, it is appropriate that Rabat provide military and security assistance to its Gulf allies when needed.

Relationship between King Mohammed VI and GCC Kings/Emirs

In addition, one of the most important factors to be taken into account in the relations between Morocco and the GCC is the brotherly relations that exist between the Moroccan royal family and the GCC royal families. In international relations, personal ties between heads of state are of great importance and can play an important role in influencing the choices made by decision-makers. The excellent relations based on a strong bond of trust and confidence that Morocco enjoys makes these countries a critical relief valve when Morocco is faced with acute financial problems. For example, while Morocco was facing one of its gravest financial crises in the early 1980’s causing the country to run short of funds to pay its state employees, it was Saudi Arabia that helped Morocco overcome this situation. Also Riyadh played an instrumental role in the efforts made by Rabat to build the wall of sand in the Sahara at the height of the war between Morocco and the Polisario in the mid-1980’s.

Regarding the so-called Western Sahara, thanks to their vital position for the oil market, the GCC countries can play an important role in helping Morocco deter the influential members of the United Nations Security Council from adopting any resolution that could undermine Morocco’s sovereignty and interest in the territory. The importance of these countries- especially Saudi Arabia -on the world oil map could serve Morocco’s best interests with respect to the Sahara issue.

The leverage that these countries hold with respect to oil enables them to intercede in favor of Morocco vis-à-vis any veto-wielding country and potentially convince it not to adopt positions that are hostile to Morocco. As I said in an earlier article in April 2013, it is likely that the solidarity of the GCC countries with Morocco worked in favor of Morocco’s interests, leading Washington to water down the draft resolution it presented to the Security Council, in which it called for the establishment of a human rights monitoring mechanism in the “Western Sahara.”

Considering all these factors, there is no doubt that Moroccan was right to answer the call of solidarity of its strategic GCC allies and support the military effort. Simply put, Moroccans cannot expect to receive favors from these countries without providing something in return. As much as Morocco needs the cash flow coming from the GCC to balance its budget in times of crises, these countries need Morocco for their security needs, as well as in the fight against terrorism or against destabilizing groups. Thus, the partnership and brotherhood between our nations is mutually beneficial and will make for a better, more successful future for Morocco.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of and editor-in-chief of Morocco World News. You can follow him @Samir Bennis